New Delhi has emerged as a hub for some of the world’s most consequential diplomatic relationships as India hosts the 18th BRICS Summit on September 12-13.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s packed bilateral schedule—with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and leaders from the Gulf—reflects the breadth of India’s strategic outreach.
On September 11, Modi held talks with Putin and Pezeshkian. On September 12, he is scheduled to meet Xi, while Saudi Arabia is represented by Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud. Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan is also in Delhi for talks with Modi.
The simultaneous engagement with these power centres underlines a central feature of Indian diplomacy: New Delhi has built sufficiently strong relationships with competing blocs to engage them at the same table while advancing its own economic, security and connectivity priorities.
Russia: Trade, Energy And Strategic Trust
India’s relationship with Russia has evolved well beyond its traditional defence focus. Economic ties have become increasingly important, with both countries targeting $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030.
During his meeting with Putin, Modi discussed closer trade ties and the implementation of the Programme for Economic Cooperation 2030. The agenda also covered energy, infrastructure, space, skill mobility and industrial cooperation. The two leaders also visited the INNOPROM India industrial exhibition in Delhi, underscoring efforts to expand commercial and manufacturing partnerships.
Energy remains another major pillar. Russian crude has become an important part of India’s energy mix, while Russian fertilisers remain significant for the country’s agricultural sector. Cooperation is also expanding into nuclear power, critical minerals, pharmaceuticals and manufacturing.
These economic links have added considerable depth to the India-Russia strategic partnership.
On the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India has retained an independent position while consistently advocating dialogue and diplomacy. During his latest meeting with Putin, Modi reiterated that approach as the two leaders discussed the conflict’s impact on maritime trade and the safety of Indian seafarers. Modi also conveyed India’s willingness to contribute to peace efforts.
New Delhi’s ability to make that case directly to Moscow is strengthened by the strategic trust built between the two countries over decades.
Xi: Border Stability And The Asian Equation
Xi Jinping’s arrival in Delhi places India-China ties at the centre of the BRICS agenda. The Chinese President’s visit, his first to India since 2019, follows years of efforts to stabilise relations after the 2020 Galwan clash.
The relationship carries enormous economic weight. China remains one of India’s largest trading partners, with extensive links across manufacturing, electronics, pharmaceuticals, machinery and supply chains.
The Modi-Xi meeting therefore carries two simultaneous objectives: preserving peace and stability along the border while expanding economic engagement wherever it serves India’s interests.
Beijing has signalled its willingness to improve ties. Ahead of Xi’s visit, Chinese officials called for greater communication and cooperation, better management of differences and a long-term strategic approach to bilateral relations.
For New Delhi, deeper engagement with Beijing does not mean compromising its interests. It provides an opportunity to address differences directly while pursuing market access, resilient supply chains and mutually beneficial economic cooperation.
BRICS offers a useful platform for that conversation, particularly as India and China share an interest in giving emerging economies a stronger voice in global institutions.
Iran: Chabahar, Energy And West Asia
The Modi-Pezeshkian meeting on September 11 added another important layer to India’s diplomatic outreach. It was the second meeting between the two leaders in less than two weeks and came during a period of heightened tensions across West Asia.
Their discussions covered bilateral ties as well as the rapidly changing regional situation. India reiterated its support for resolving regional disputes through dialogue and diplomacy while stressing freedom of navigation, uninterrupted commerce and the safety of seafarers.
India’s relationship with Iran, however, extends well beyond the current crisis. Chabahar port remains central to New Delhi’s connectivity strategy. Located on Iran’s southeastern coast, the port gives India access to Afghanistan and Central Asia without relying on Pakistan and connects with the broader International North-South Transport Corridor.
Chabahar therefore links India’s ties with Iran to its ambition of emerging as a major connectivity and logistics hub connecting South Asia, Central Asia, Iran and Russia.
Energy is another key consideration, particularly as disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz can have immediate consequences for global oil prices and shipping.
Iran has also advocated greater economic cooperation within BRICS, including increased use of local currencies and alternative financial mechanisms. For India, this aligns with its broader push for stronger intra-BRICS trade and more resilient payment and supply-chain networks.
Saudi Arabia And The Gulf: Oil, Investment And Connectivity
Saudi Arabia represents a different but equally important pillar of India’s BRICS diplomacy. Riyadh’s delegation to the summit is being led by Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud.
India-Saudi ties have expanded significantly over the past decade. While oil remains a critical component, the partnership now covers investment, defence, infrastructure, technology, healthcare, energy transition and connectivity.
The India-Saudi Arabia Strategic Partnership Council, co-chaired by Modi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, provides the institutional framework for the relationship. At their April 2025 meeting in Jeddah, the two sides expanded cooperation under the council and created a new ministerial committee on defence cooperation.
Saudi Arabia has also committed to investing up to $100 billion in India across sectors including energy, petrochemicals, infrastructure, technology, fintech, digital infrastructure, telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, manufacturing and healthcare. Discussions have also included plans for oil refineries and expanded energy and petrochemical cooperation.
Connectivity is another major area of convergence. India and Saudi Arabia are partners in the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor, which could strengthen links between Indian ports, the Gulf and Europe.
The relationship also rests on strong people-to-people ties, with around 2.7 million Indians living in Saudi Arabia.
The UAE adds another significant dimension. Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan is in Delhi and is scheduled to meet Modi. India-UAE ties span investment, energy, technology, infrastructure, defence and connectivity, giving New Delhi another influential Gulf partner.
India’s ability to deepen ties simultaneously with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Iran illustrates the logic of its West Asia policy: engagement with one major power does not require disengagement from another.
India’s BRICS Moment
These relationships converge in Delhi as India uses its BRICS presidency to pursue a practical and development-oriented agenda. The expanded 11-member grouping represents around 49.5 per cent of the world’s population, about 40 per cent of global GDP and roughly 26 per cent of global trade.
India’s theme for its chairship—“Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”—is anchored in the broader principle of “Humanity First.”
Modi has emphasised concrete areas of cooperation, including reducing trade barriers, building business partnerships, supporting startups, strengthening supply chains and expanding collaboration in technology, energy and finance.
That makes the BRICS summit more than a gathering of emerging economies. It is also a showcase of India’s broader foreign-policy strategy: maintaining strategic autonomy, engaging competing power centres simultaneously and using each relationship to advance national economic, security and connectivity interests.
In Delhi, Modi is not being forced to choose between Moscow, Beijing, Tehran and the Gulf. The larger diplomatic challenge—and opportunity—is to keep all these relationships moving forward at the same time.
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